The Covid-19 epidemic has given the world a good opportunity to study the quality of health care systems. We often hear from proponents of single-payer systems that we would get so much better health care if we just handed it all over to government.
Experience from this epidemic says otherwise. On the contrary, Europe, which is saturated with government-run health care systems, has struggled quite a bit with the epidemic. At the forefront of their problems has been a shortage of hospital beds.
Before we get there, though, we first need to take a quick look at the U.S. system. Thankfully, we don’t have a Medicaid-for-All system, but politically we are closer to it than most people realize. We are in fact hanging on the precipice of it, which makes the recent European experiences so much more important. There are few people remaining on the right side of the political aisle who are willing to fight back against the Medicaid-for-All movement. Outside of the Republican Study Committee, whose report last year presented a great plan for strengthening free-market health care, there is not too much happening among conservatives and libertarians.
This is strange and tragic. A Medicaid-for-All system is the crown jewel of the socialist welfare state, and since the libertarian movement has essentially surrendered on the welfare state in general, it lacks the ideological prowess to fight back on the Medicaid-for-All issue.
The lack of interest in fighting socialism in practice – the welfare state – is clearly noticeable across the libertarian movement. Their own party and presidential candidate barely even pay token interest to the welfare state. Worse still, America’s leading libertarian think tanks only use about ten percent of their resources to the fight against socialism in practice:
- The Cato Institute reports 67 experts on their website; six of those can be said to be working with issues even tangentially related to the welfare state and its systemic impact on the U.S. economy;
- American Institute for Economic Research, with its 63 experts, has four or five that touch the welfare state in their work (depending on how thin you want to stretch the definition);
- The Reason Foundation, proudly libertarian since 1968, boasts no more than three welfare-state interested individuals among its 32-strong expert crew;
- The Mercatus Center, the think tank at George Mason University, has practically enrolled the entire economics-department faculty among its 60 scholars, yet they still cannot find more than five whose research interests even affiliate with the welfare state.
The Heritage Foundation is the strongest institution in this respect. They have the Grover Hermann Center, which is dedicated to the study of the federal budget. In total, spread across all their departments, the Heritage Foundation has 12 welfare-state oriented experts, out of 96. Still spending only a small minority of their resources on the most critical problem of our time, Heritage nevertheless leads the libertarian movement in that regard.
With this scant attention to the practice of socialism in general, there is very little in the libertarian movement that can stop a Medicaid-for-All program. This leaves the field essentially open to the neoconservatives within the Republican party (who want a single-payer system because Irving Kristol said so) and the socialist left. Our hope lies with the aforementioned RSC report and its appeal to more conservatively minded Republicans.
Hopefully, they can find some strength in the numbers presented below. It looks increasingly as if private health-care funding is instrumental in protecting public health. This is not surprising, given that government-run health care systems suffer from two deficiencies, the first of which is its reliance on taxes for funding. By virtue of advancements in medical skills and health-care technology, the cost of providing health care goes up over time. In other words, just to keep health care quality intact, medical professionals need to raise prices over time.
This tendency, in turn, is countered by market forces. He who does more with less will always win over less productive competitors. Only a market-based health care system can strike a proper balance between the rise in costs due to quality advancements and the competition-driven decline in prices.
As an example of what this means, the health-care share of our economy (our GDP) has increased over time: looking at medical technology alone – disregarding for now all other components of health care expenditures – it was 1.3 percent of our GDP in 1980. In 2017, the latest year for which the Department of Health and Human Services publishes comprehensive data, that share is more than twice as high at 2.9 percent.
How would a single-payer system handle this? Since it lacks a countervailing force to the cost drive from quality advancements, and since health-care costs evolve independently of what taxpayers can afford, the only choices for a single-payer government are to raise taxes constantly, or ration health care access.
If we had operated a Medicaid-for-All single payer system, and if Congress had been wise enough not to raise taxes, we would have been forced to keep the med-tech share of our health care costs constant. We would therefore have had to forfeit advances in medical technology – or raise taxes.
But what is a tiny share of our economy like this one to quarrel about? As a general point, this is a valid question, of course. As share of GDP, spending on medical technology looks like chump change. However, looking at it as a market within the economy, medical technology actually translates into significant numbers. In 2017 we spent a total of $569 billion on medical technology. This includes durable technical instruments, non-durable instruments, prescription drugs, health-care facilities and the medical equipment needed for them to be operational.
If we had kept the med-tech share of GDP constant, from 1980 to 2017 we as a nation would have been limited to spending only $267.4 billion on medical technology. This would have meant a loss of more than $301 billion worth of instruments, equipment, clinics, hospitals and pharmaceutical products.
Such rationing would have had serious consequences for health care access. For every $1 million we reduce spending on medical technology, we have to make proportionate reductions in staffing. Over time, this kind of rationing has serious cumulative effects: as a thought experiment, consider what the effects would be if we removed 53 percent of all health-care spending in our country.
Another key question is, of course, what incentives entrepreneurs would have had to develop new technology for our health care system. To stick with the time horizon from 1980 and on, where would our health care have been today in terms of quality and ability to cure and heal?
Proponents of health care socialism often bring up administration as the holy grail of cost reductions. What they forget is that the decisions being made by administrators in today’s systems also must be made under a single-payer system. Hospitals and clinics still need to file claims for every procedure; someone needs to evaluate every claim; someone needs to process every claim; someone needs to cut the checks and send them out to the health care provider.
Someone still needs to keep track of supplies, order supplies, pay for them, make sure deliveries were according to specifications, distribute the supplies within the hospital… Human resources staff still need to make sure there are enough doctors, nurses, midwives, cleaning staff, procurement staff, computer experts and other employees throughout the health care system.
And someone still needs to evaluate the health care procedures to make sure that resources are not being wasted. For a glimpse of what this means under a government-run system, see the chapter on fiscal eugenics in my book The Rise of Big Government.
Table 1 explains the components of health-care costs (billions of dollars) in 2017, for the nation’s entire health care system.
|Health Care Cost Breakdown||US$ billion|
|National Health Care Expenditures||3,492.1|
|Physician and clinical expenditures||694.3|
|Other health-care professionals||96.6|
|Home health care||97.0|
|Non-durable medical products||64.1|
|Durable medical products||54.4|
|Nursing, continuing care||166.3|
|Other health care||183.1|
|Administration, net insurance costs||274.5|
|Public health activity||88.9|
|Structures and equipment||116.9|
Administration costs amount to less than eight percent of total health-care expenditures. Of this, 83.6 percent is the net cost for insurance. In other words, even if the entire insurance administration cost was eliminated it would only save the health care system 6.6 percent of its total costs.
This would, again, be possible if and only if there would be no need for any administration in a single-payer system. As mentioned earlier, that kind of administration is always going to be needed. Government doesn’t just funnel money out to hospitals, clinics and other health-care providers without any kind of information on what is being done, when, how, why and for how much money.
On the contrary, a single-payer system would come under intense cost scrutiny, given the very high taxes it would require. If anything, administration would increase to minimize waste, fraud and abuse. It is simply a pipe dream to think that elimination of administrative overhead would have paid for the $301 billion in med-tech advancements that we would have had to give up in order to not raise health care taxes from 1980 for our hypothetical Medicaid-for-All system.
But that’s not all. A single-payer system requires another layer of administration: central planning of all resources. It would require National Medicaid-for-All Agency that would micro manage the appropriations for every hospital bed, every medical procedure, every drug prescription and every other transaction within the entire American health care system.
That takes a lot of people, and a lot of people cost a lot of money.
Once the single-payer system is in place, government will freeze its costs in parity with the tax base. This means making health-care rationing a standard operating procedure for the allocation of health care resources, meaning in practice that access and quality are made scarce.